Cuadragésimo primer período ordinario de sesiones san salvador, el salvador



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Madam President, natural disasters have also come to the fore within the last few years, especially within the context of security. The Caribbean has seen the need, year after year, to improve its preparedness, mitigation, and recovery from natural disasters, as well as those that are manmade, in order to minimize loss of life and the damage to infrastructure.
This brings us to the matter you raised, Madam President, when you gave your presentation: the need to look closely at the question of climate change and how it affects the small developing countries of the Caribbean and this hemisphere. We wish to identify closely with the statements you made in this regard.
In closing, Antigua and Barbuda would like to encourage the OAS to work closely with the countries around the table so as to ensure that crime, the scourge of the Hemisphere, is eradicated.
You will have observed that I came as close as possible to the six-minute deadline prescribed, and I therefore had to truncate my speech, but that speech will be given to the Secretariat to be included in the full records of this meeting.
Thank you, Madam President.
[Aplausos.]
La PRESIDENTA: Thank you very much, Antigua and Barbuda, but I think Bolivia has the record.
I will now call on Minister McClean of Barbados.
La JEFA DE LA DELEGACIÓN DE BARBADOS: Thank you very much, Madam President.
On behalf of the Delegation of Barbados, I express our sincere thanks to the Government and people of El Salvador for their kind hospitality as they welcome us to the beautiful and historic city of San Salvador.
Madam President, Barbados fully accepts that citizen security provides a foundation for peaceful and prosperous societies. This is made possible where effective democratic institutions exist. Moreover, it has become evident that security is vital to a country’s development efforts. Indeed, Barbados subscribes to the view that there is a definite link between security and development and has fully embraced the concept of multidimensional security as a tool for development.
Multidimensional security, for some time at the margins of discussions at Organization of American States, took center stage at the thirty-second regular session of the General Assembly, which was held in Barbados. It was with some difficulty that the general membership came to consider this topic and ascribe it a greater level of attention. On that occasion, the Prime Minister of Barbados articulated our view on security and its relationship to the development agenda. That perspective of security remains relevant today.
The Assembly session in Barbados gave impetus to the convening, within the framework of the Committee on Hemispheric Security (CSH), of the Special Conference on Security in October 2003 in Mexico City, Mexico, at which the existence of multiple hemispheric security threats was recognized. These threats include terrorism, transnational organized crime, the global drug problem, corruption, asset laundering, illicit trafficking in weapons, and the connections among them.
The Conference focused on natural and manmade disasters; HIV/AIDS, other diseases, and health risks; environmental degradation; trafficking in persons; attacks on cyber security; and the potential for damage by an accident that might occur during the maritime transport of potentially hazardous materials, including petroleum, radioactive materials, and toxic waste.
The Conference also highlighted the impact of extreme poverty and social exclusion on broad sectors of the population and on stability and democracy. Extreme poverty can erode social cohesion and undermine the security of states. It was noted that the security architecture in our hemisphere should be flexible and provide for the particular circumstances of each subregion and each state.
Madam President, I have focused on the information just mentioned in order to emphasize the absolute importance of the adoption of a multidimensional approach if citizen security is to be addressed in all its facets. With this enlarged perspective on security, the OAS commenced negotiations on a draft Social Charter of the Americas, an important initiative, given the weight attached to the Inter-American Democratic Charter.
Today, nearly a decade after the thirty-second regular session of the General Assembly, the OAS continues to assign the majority of its funds, regular and special, to traditional security and overtly political areas. The focus on traditional security has, however, come at the expense of other high-priority issues for Barbados. Projects for education, social care, and other areas integral to development are marginalized. This is against a background of declining OAS funding over the past 30 years.
Current trends, including the rising cost of food and fuel, along with rising unemployment, strengthen the case for the adoption of a multidimensional approach to security. However, it appears that the challenge of coups and border disputes, and the negative impact of ruthless, well-financed illegal gangs, will make it difficult for the aspects of multidimensional security of most relevance to Barbados to be seen or heard in this year’s General Assembly session.
The 2002 General Assembly session recognized that the peculiar characteristics of small island states rendered them especially vulnerable and susceptible to risks and threats of a multidimensional and transnational nature involving political, economic, social, health, environmental, and geographic factors. Moreover, these threats assume greater importance in the security agenda of small island states because of the size of these states, their openness, and their limited capacity to manage these threats. There is need for a more effective management mechanism to assist the small islands to cope with such multidimensional and transnational threats to their security in a coordinated and cooperative manner.
The protection of our maritime environment is critical to our survival. Our continuing commitment to the work of the Caribbean Sea Commission (CSC) demonstrates Barbados’s recognition that the sustainable use and development of the wider Caribbean Sea is critical to the security and well-being of the peoples of the Caribbean. Barbados has thus played a lead role in the work of the Association of Caribbean States (ACS), particularly with respect to the Caribbean Sea Commission.
Madam President, the Government of Barbados is very pleased that member states have fully supported Barbados’s initiative to engage the OAS in the work of the Commission, which was established by the ACS in 2006. This has been demonstrated by the adoption of the resolution introduced by Barbados and titled “Support for the work of the Caribbean Sea Commission.” The resolution recognizes both the unique biodiversity and highly fragile ecosystems of the Caribbean Sea, as well as the heavy reliance placed by most Caribbean economies on coastal areas and the marine environment to achieve their sustainable development goals.
There can be no citizen security, Madam President, without an equitable gender balance. The binding principles of equality and nondiscrimination are at the core of the inter-American human rights system and its instruments and are enshrined particularly in the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women. This Convention asserts that the elimination of violence against women is essential for the individual and social development of women and for their full and equal participation in society.
The Declaration of San Salvador on Citizen Security in the Americas, to be adopted at this Assembly session, makes specific reference to these rights of women. Indeed, there must also be condemnation of violence in all forms—violence against children, male-on-male violence, and female-on-male violence.
Barbados is also strengthening its capacity to address the phenomenon of trafficking in persons, which affects women and girls especially. In February 2011, we passed the Transnational Organized Crime (Prevention and Control) Act, which provides for the investigation, prosecution, and punishment of this heinous crime against women in particular. We have also adopted a multipronged program of capacity-building and institutional strengthening of our law enforcement and immigration agencies.
Barbados salutes the work of the Inter-American Commission of Women (CIM) and its commitment to eliminate barriers to full and equal participation by women in the civil, political, economic, social, and cultural spheres. The election of Senator Irene Sandiford-Garner of Barbados as Vice President of the Commission at the Thirty-Fifth Assembly of Delegates in Mexico City in November 2010 was welcomed by us in Barbados. Since her election, she has been participating actively in the meetings of the CIM and representing the Commission at meetings in the Caribbean.
Madam President, the ability of Barbados to weather the many storms, economic and other, over the past two decades has been due to innovative use of the social partnership mechanism to guarantee citizen security. In response to the economic crisis in the early 1990s, the First Protocol of the Social Partnership Agreement was signed in 1993 by three entities: the Government, the private sector, and the trade union movement, which represented the people.
The Barbados model is unique, and the standards approached within this agreement were different from those of other countries. We signed the Sixth Protocol on May 2, 2011. Employers, the Government, and the private sector are committed to maintaining high levels of employment, even in the face of reduced levels of government revenues and profitability in the private sector. Trade unions, too, play their part by controlling demands for wage increases and ensuring that employees’ rights are upheld until the crisis has passed. It is through this sacrificial effort by all stakeholders that Barbadians credit the social partnership for pulling the country out of the depths of economic despair and into a vibrant, thriving economy. As a result, Barbados is seen as a pioneer among the small island developing states (SIDS) and in the developing world at large.
Madam President, I would like to place on record the appreciation and support of the Government of Barbados for the sterling work carried out in Haiti by the OAS-CARICOM Joint Electoral Observation Mission (JEOM), under the able leadership of Ambassador Colin Granderson, Assistant Secretary General of CARICOM. Barbados welcomes the swearing in on May 15 of the duly elected President of Haiti, His Excellency Monsieur Michel Martelly, and we offer him the full support of the Government of Barbados and that of CARICOM.
Barbados and CARICOM stand ready to assist Haiti, specifically in the area of institutional development, by making available experienced personnel in the area of government administration, by providing training opportunities, and by assisting in the establishment of regional standards for building codes and for goods and professional services.
Finally, Madam President, we welcome back Honduras to the family of the OAS.
Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, I thank you.
La PRESIDENTA: Thank you, Minister McClean. The order of speakers has been turned upside down. The order was Brazil, Venezuela, then Belize. I will now give the floor to Brazil.
La JEFA DE LA DELEGACIÓN DEL BRASIL: Senhora Presidenta, Senhoras Ministras e Senhores Ministros, Senhor Secretário Geral da OEA, Senhoras e Senhores Chefes de Delegação, Senhoras e Senhores Delegados, Senhores Observadores Permanentes, Senhoras e Senhores,
Em nome do Governo brasileiro, primeiramente, desejo expressar os agradecimentos ao povo e ao Governo de El Salvador, pela hospitalidade, pela cordial acolhida e pelo empenho na organização deste evento. A generosa oferta do Governo salvadorenho de sediar a 41ª Assembléia Geral da OEA constitui mais uma demonstração do compromisso deste país com o aprofundamento da cooperação nas Américas, objetivo plenamente compartilhado pelo Brasil.
Senhora Presidenta, a OEA encontra-se em um momento de reafirmação de sua vocação e relevância para a promoção multilateral da paz e segurança regionais, a partir de uma visão renovada dos interesses de seus membros à luz dos desafios do século XXI. Os quatro pilares da Organização - democracia, direitos humanos, segurança e desenvolvimento – se apoiam mutuamente e têm por finalidade contemplar as expectativas e os objetivos da região diante de um cenário internacional complexo, que não pode prescindir do espaço de cooperação e diálogo, bem como do quadro jurídico e político oferecidos pela OEA.
O tema escolhido para esta Assembléia reflete a preocupação de nossos Governos e de nossas sociedades com o fenômeno da violência e da criminalidade, que aflige a todos, de diferentes formas e em diferentes medidas. Não por acaso, esse assunto esteve presente nos debates regionais de alto nível mais recentes, como a Cúpula das Américas de Port of Spain, que incluiu uma seção específica sobre segurança pública em sua Declaração final; as duas últimas Assembléias Gerais, que trataram, respectivamente, de “Uma Cultura da Paz e da Não-Violência”, em São Pedro Sula; e de “Paz, Segurança e Cooperação nas Américas”, em Lima.
Nossas sociedades enfrentam os desafios da insegurança, em suas mais distintas expressões. O tema central desta reunião – segurança cidadã – tem sido objeto de reflexão conjunta de nossos países em diferentes instâncias. No âmbito da OEA, o conceito de segurança multidimensional, consolidado na Conferência Especial sobre Segurança nas Américas, em 2003, contribuiu para atualizar o quadro conceitual da região sobre a matéria e para elevar o debate e a cooperação a novos patamares.
Senhora Presidenta, o Brasil está comprometido com a manutenção e o aprofundamento da substantiva cooperação bilateral, sub-regional e regional em matéria de segurança pública em curso, a qual abrange, entre outros aspectos, atividades de fortalecimento de capacidades e intercâmbio de informações e experiências. Reiteramos nosso firme apoio aos foros técnicos criados para o acompanhamento e a sistematização do tratamento dessas questões, cujo impacto sobre nossas sociedades é real e direto. Esses esforços, conquanto fundamentais para melhorias concretas das condições de segurança de nossos países, não devem deixar de respeitar as especificidades e as distintas prioridades dos países na matéria: não é possível aplicar fórmulas gerais a uma região tão rica e diversa como a nossa, seja em matéria de desenvolvimento, seja em matéria de segurança. O estabelecimento de vínculos automáticos entre crime transnacional e o crime comum e a violência interpessoal não leva em consideração aspectos importantes de nossas realidades.
A Declaração de São Salvador sobre Segurança Cidadã, que será adotada nesta Assembléia Geral da OEA, ressalta importante aspecto conceitual no tratamento da questão da violência e da insegurança na região ao reconhecer a relação estreita entre o desenvolvimento socioeconômico e a segurança. Sem promover o desenvolvimento integral de nossas sociedades, não é possível interromper o ciclo vicioso da violência, que rouba vidas, destrói famílias e impede a realização plena da cidadania.
A Presidenta Dilma Rousseff incluiu, dentre suas treze diretrizes de governo, a garantia da segurança dos cidadãos e o combate ao crime organizado. Pretende, justamente, consolidar a integração entre a repressão qualificada e inteligente ao crime e uma forte agenda social, voltada a grupos em situação de vulnerabilidade. No Brasil, o Programa Nacional de Segurança Pública com Cidadania (PRONASCI), iniciado em 2007, inaugurou uma ampla plataforma que soma o treinamento e equipamento das forças policiais e de inteligência a ações em áreas temáticas, como saúde, educação, direitos humanos, geração de trabalho e renda, promoção da igualdade, cultura e esporte, e acesso à justiça.
Na segunda metade do século passado, a despeito do crescimento econômico da região, a urbanização acelerada somada à concentração de renda e à falta de oportunidades contribuiu para a elevação do crime. Não basta a simples repressão. E tampouco basta apenas o crescimento econômico. É preciso enfrentar de maneira integral o fenômeno da violência e da criminalidade, por meio de ações articuladas nas esferas policial, judicial e social.
Senhora Presidenta, nesse contexto, reveste-se de especial significado a Carta Social das Américas, em negociação desde 2005 e que esperamos seja concluída em breve, complementando a Carta Democrática e resguardando os direitos dos cidadãos das Américas. Neste ano em que celebramos o décimo aniversário da Carta Democrática Interamericana, surpreende o fato de que a Carta Social das Américas permaneça pendente de aprovação e adoção, deixando uma grande lacuna no quadro normativo regional para a cooperação, que precisa ser sanada com urgência.
O Brasil permanece empenhado, ademais, nas negociações do projeto de Convenção Interamericana contra o Racismo e Toda Forma de Discriminação Racial e Intolerância. Vemos com satisfação a adesão de grande número de países à proposta de Antígua e Barbuda de que seja negociado um projeto de Convenção sobre o tema da discriminação racial e um ou mais protocolos adicionais. A discriminação, de qualquer natureza, e a exclusão constituem mecanismos cruéis de denegação da cidadania e dos direitos humanos mais elementares a parcelas de nossas sociedades. É preciso garantir às minorias e às populações em situação de vulnerabilidade o acesso a modelos inclusivos de desenvolvimento.
Senhora Presidenta, segurança cidadã também se refere ao respeito aos direitos humanos e ao acesso à justiça. O Estado Democrático de Direito deve ser capaz de respeitar e garantir os direitos de seus cidadãos, sejam eles vítimas ou agentes do crime. Deve combater a impunidade, a violência policial e outras ameaças aos direitos fundamentais da pessoa humana. Neste contexto, destaco o comprometimento da região com a cooperação na área judicial, em particular no âmbito da Reunião de Ministros da Justiça das Américas, cuja oitava edição realizou-se em Brasília, em fevereiro de 2010, e da Reunião de Ministros e Autoridades em Segurança Pública.
O Brasil tem também reiterado seu apoio ao Sistema Interamericano de Direitos Humanos. A universalização do sistema é condição fundamental para o seu fortalecimento, na medida em que, enquanto persistirem diferentes graus de obrigações jurídicas e de inserção nos instrumentos regionais, resta comprometido o objetivo primordial de assegurar proteção aos direitos humanos nas Américas.
O respeito aos direitos humanos passa pelos esforços que empreendam os Estados e pela atuação diligente e cuidadosa dos órgãos principais que compõem o Sistema Interamericano – a Corte e a Comissão. É necessário que estes empreendam seu curso de ação com base na apuração acurada sobre os casos que são levados a seu conhecimento. O Brasil espera que o Sistema Interamericano continue a se aperfeiçoar para que possa ampliar o grau de confiança da sociedade e dos governos da região e assim contribuir de forma efetiva para o aprimoramento de nossas instituições, nossos respectivos sistemas jurídicos e nossas relações humanas.
Senhora Presidenta, gostaria de saudar o diálogo atualmente em curso no âmbito do Conselho Permanente sobre a eficácia da aplicação da Carta Democrática Interamericana, que em setembro deste ano comemora seu décimo aniversário. Nossa região vivencia momento particularmente importante de renovação política e de reafirmação dos ideais democráticos. Congratulo-me com a sociedade haitiana, que superou as incertezas e os sobressaltos que envolveram o início do processo eleitoral naquele país. Felicito o Presidente Michel Martelly por sua eleição. Permito-me reiterar aqui o apoio brasileiro aos esforços de reconstrução do país. Manifesto, ainda, apreço ao relevante papel da OEA no processo de recuperação da estabilidade política e fortalecimento institucional do Haiti.
O Brasil acolheu com grande satisfação o retorno de Honduras às atividades da OEA. Após quase dois anos de processo de normalização política, foi possível alcançar um acordo de reconciliação nacional, impulsionado pela habilidade diplomática da Colômbia e da Venezuela, que permitiu o regresso do ex-Presidente Zelaya àquele país, com reconhecimento pleno de seus direitos, incluindo o exercício de sua ação política em condições de segurança e liberdade. Foi fundamental, nesse contexto, o compromisso do Presidente Porfírio Lobo em fomentar o diálogo político interno. O retorno de Honduras à OEA constitui verdadeiro marco na história do Sistema Interamericano de Proteção e Promoção da Democracia. Não posso deixar de registrar aqui o reconhecimento do papel desempenhado pela Organização nas negociações para a normalização da situação daquele país, assim como os esforços ingentes do Secretário-Geral, José Miguel Insulza.
Senhora Presidenta, o Brasil reitera seu compromisso com a transformação das Américas em um espaço de paz, estabilidade e prosperidade. O desafio de nossos países será superar, com equilíbrio e por meio da cooperação solidária e do intercâmbio de experiências, tanto a expressão da violência quanto suas causas mais profundas relacionadas com a necessidade de promover o desenvolvimento sustentável com justiça social.
Muito obrigada.
[Vuelve a ocupar la presidencia el Ministro de Relaciones Exteriores de El Salvador.]
El PRESIDENTE: Muchas gracias, señora Embajadora del Brasil. Procedemos ahora a ceder la palabra al señor Embajador de Venezuela.
El JEFE DE LA DELEGACIÓN DE VENEZUELA: Muchas gracias, señor Presidente.
En primer lugar lo saludo a usted y a su país, sede de esta Asamblea, donde estamos hablando de seguridad ciudadana. Y no puedo dejar de pensar en el símbolo de El Salvador, de sus dirigentes como constructores de puentes, puentes entre montañas, puentes entre lagos, después del enorme sufrimiento del pueblo salvadoreño a lo largo de la aparentemente interminable guerra civil que lo afligió y que concluyó gracias a las soluciones políticas encontradas y nunca gracias a la violencia y con un gran apoyo de nuestra Organización y con la participación muy activa de la Organización de las Naciones Unidas. Eso es algo para tener en cuenta cuando uno está en este país haciendo algunos ejercicios de nemotecnia histórica.
Quiero saludar a la Delegación del Perú y felicitar, aunque ya lo hizo, en nombre del Presidente Hugo Chávez al Presidente electo, Ollanta Humala, por su victoria popular, pero también a la señora Keiko Fujimori por la actitud cívica y responsable desplegada al reconocer la victoria y encontrarse con el Presidente electo. Son buenos síntomas de cómo el entendimiento y la tolerancia son factores que contribuyen a la seguridad ciudadana.
Desafortunadamente la dictadura mediática no ha perdido oportunidad. Si alguno de ustedes ha podido ver CNN en español, su gran preocupación ha sido la reacción de los mercados. Y una horda de yuppies, de esos que fueron incapaces de predecir algunas tragedias y desastres financieros, se ha abalanzado a dar opiniones negativas para perjudicar la decisión política del pueblo peruano, algo para ser tomado en cuenta.
Esta mañana cuando llegue aquí, observé este desfile o este alineamiento de banderas y tuve la sensación de alguna ausencia de carácter óptico, faltaba algo y, después de mucho pensar, me di cuenta de que faltaba una bandera que durante dos días había estado ubicada en el vestíbulo del Hotel Sheraton, la bandera del Reino Unido de Gran Bretaña e Irlanda del Norte. Pensé que quizá distraído no me había dado cuenta del momento del ingreso de Montserrat a la Organización de los Estados Americanos. Pero finalmente después de pensarlo mucho, me di cuenta o creí en ese momento que podía ser alguna de esas travesuras heterodoxas a las cuales nos tiene acostumbrado el señor Secretario General. Pensé que podía simbolizar a las Islas Caimán, que es un lugar donde se puede encontrar financiamiento para los esfuerzos de privatización de la OEA, que alguna gente vería con mucho gusto. Pero aquí estamos entre Estados, hablando de problemas de Estado: seguridad ciudadana.
Señor Presidente, la mano invisible de la justicia social no necesariamente garantiza que se complete el esquema de la seguridad ciudadana con la eliminación de la criminalidad, pero ayuda mucho. Venezuela, del desastre económico político-social con sus consecuencias criminales, ha venido sentando las columnas que puedan sustentar un país con seguridad ciudadana. Nos falta mucho, estamos trabajando duro dentro del concepto de justicia social, no para complacer al mercado sino para hacer justicia, justicia social, justicia en general, enfrentando la pobreza. En Venezuela hoy todos los venezolanos comen; los excluidos de antes hoy comen.
Quizá recordando al Presidente Lula, recuerdo aquella famosa frase de su discurso inaugural en Brasilia: “Cero hambre”. La UNESCO declaró a Venezuela un país libre de analfabetismo. Venezuela es un país con absoluta libertad de expresión, donde también la dictadura mediática expresa los términos más radicales y con un gran apoyo internacional. En Venezuela hay acceso a la educación y los beneficios de la riqueza que podamos producir van a contribuir en ese sentido, a que nuestro país tenga seguridad ciudadana completa. Pero nos falta mucho, y compartimos con la gran mayoría de los países miembros del sistema interamericano el sufrimiento de la criminalidad, pero estamos trabajando bien.
Pensaba en la pobreza como uno de los factores que estimulan el desajuste, la inestabilidad, la intolerancia, la injusticia social en otras palabras; y la pobreza tiene un elemento fundamental que es la mala distribución de la riqueza, eso que no lo entienden los sacerdotes del dios mercado. Pero también el empobrecimiento puede ser un factor de desestabilización y de inseguridad en un país, así ese país vaya emprendiendo la buena ruta.
En 1948, George Orwell escribió una novela de ficción política intitulada “1984”y lo hizo concibiendo la idea del totalitarismo estalinista de la entonces Unión Soviética que tantos estragos causó, pero a quien no se le ocurrió, en ese momento, que su descripción podría terminar siendo como hecha a la medida de un big brother, de un supremo supervisor, de un vigilante. No sé si existe en español la palabra auscultante, pero en ese sentido va la expresión y creo que me la pueden entender: de un gran certificador, de un corrector de buenas y malas costumbres, de un distribuidor de premios y castigos.
En esa obra de Orwell me llama mucho la atención la organización del gobierno imaginario, un gobierno que tenía entre varios ministerios dos muy curiosos: uno, el ministerio del amor, pero ese ministerio con nombre tan curioso se encargaba de repartir, distribuir o prodigar castigos y tortura, por supuesto, tortura institucionalizada. Había otro ministerio, el ministerio de la paz, y ese ministerio tenía la responsabilidad de asegurar un estado permanente de guerra que mantuviese tranquilizada a la ciudadanía en casa, porque estaban muy ocupados afuera y, además, era el gran negocio de la guerra, del conflicto.
Ocurre entonces que trece años después de haber escrito esa novela Orwell, apareció una declaración histórica de una inmensa importancia. Pocos días antes de la toma de posesión del Presidente Kennedy, el Presidente Dwight D. Eisenhower, héroe de guerra, general de cinco estrellas, Presidente de los Estados Unidos dos veces por mandato popular, escribió un maravilloso documento, el que leyó ante la televisión frente a sus compatriotas y en el que denunció lo que llamó “el complejo militar industrial”, con un agregado: predijo la incorporación progresiva de las universidades y centros de estudio a la producción de ciencia para la guerra y a la producción de ciencia para el diseño y construcción de materiales bélicos.
Me queda un minuto y voy a concluir.
Mi país hoy está amenazado por big brother. Somos supervisados, vigilados, controlados, certificados, criticados o silenciados cada vez que se puede directa o indirectamente a través de aliados, y se pretende empobrecerlo. Una empresa venezolana, Petróleos de Venezuela SA. (PDVSA), que produce petróleo, que no está mal como fuente de riqueza, acaba de ser sancionada por las autoridades del big brother por comerciar, como soberanamente decidimos nosotros cuando tenemos que comerciar con alguien.
Por eso en esta ocasión, señor Presidente, yo denuncio formalmente un atentado contra la seguridad ciudadana de mi país a través de la imposición de sanciones que aparentemente no son sino el comienzo de un plan diseñado para perturbar las elecciones de Venezuela en el año 2012, y con eso imponer la voluntad de ese complejo militar industrial que ese sabio y visionario Presidente de los Estados Unidos nos anticipó a todos.
Gracias, señor Presidente.
El PRESIDENTE: Muchas gracias. Vamos a cerrar nuestra lista de oradores con el señor Canciller de Belize.
El JEFE DE LA DELEGACIÓN DE BELIZE: Thank you, Mr. President.
Distinguished ministers of foreign affairs and heads of delegation, ladies and gentlemen:
I am pleased and honored to be here in this beautiful city of San Salvador and to be among the recipients of the very warm and generous hospitality extended to all our delegations by the Government and people of El Salvador, for which Belize is truly grateful.
I crave your indulgence, Mr. President, to welcome Honduras back into the fold of the Organization of American States and to congratulate Peru on the election of its new president.
The issue of citizen security has confronted mankind from time immemorial. In our Americas, our citizens have experienced violence in one form or the other, and in varying degrees of ferocity, from pre Colombian times up to today. While the present spate of crime and violence is engulfing most of our hemisphere, commencing in Mexico in the north, extending down to Chile in the south, and encompassing most of our Caribbean island states, the available data indicate that the crime and violence is most widespread and prevalent among those sectors of our populations that have been routinely and traditionally discriminated against, marginalized, abandoned, neglected, and, in general, deprived of the full enjoyment of citizenship by their own governments.
While there can be no doubt that the present state of affairs is very troubling and can in no way be countenanced by the societies in our hemisphere, when viewed in its historical context, in reality, the vast majority of our citizens today are actually enjoying a far greater degree of security than has any other generation in any other period in the history of our region. Indeed, we have gone for almost two decades, if I am not mistaken, without any war in the region. This is so because there are more safeguards in place in our hemisphere today, both regionally and domestically, to protect and preserve the well-being and security of our citizens than there have ever been in any other period in the history of our region. These safeguards include international treaties, institutions, and associations, as well as domestic legislation, institutions, and organizations, all dedicated to ensuring the security of our citizenry.
Furthermore, this is the very first era in our region’s history in which almost all governments in our hemisphere are democratically elected and subscribe to the principle of the rule of law and the resolution of conflicts and dispute by peaceful means, as opposed to by force of arms. This is also the first era in our region’s history in which, by virtue of all our membership in international and regional organizations, such as the United Nations and our own Organization of American States, we have access to tremendous resources, both technical and financial. These resources are employed for the specific purpose of ensuring the safety and security of our citizenry and the maintenance of peace, order, and good governance in our hemisphere. Thus, when we contemplate our security glass, we are inexorably drawn to the conclusion that perhaps it is really not half empty, but half full.
Mr. President, in strategizing and agonizing on the way forward in dealing with the present troubling security situation, engendered primarily by widespread transnational criminal activity in our hemisphere, it will be imperative for us to seek to identify and deal with the root causes of the problem giving rise to this phenomenon and for us not to be sidetracked by the symptoms.
The fact that crime and violence are being perpetrated in large part by the poor and marginalized elements in our societies should furnish us with some not insignificant clue as to some of the types of measures and interventions that will need to be taken to put an end to this scourge. It must be borne in mind that people whose only experience has been that of crime, poverty, exploitation, and violence are not likely to be deterred from their ways by the use of force, repression, or violence, and that people who find themselves in desperate circumstances will do desperate things to try to extricate themselves from those circumstance.
Some countries in our hemisphere that suffer perennially from financial constraints, like most other countries in the Hemisphere, have been able to achieve remarkable levels of development for their populations and have treated all their people humanely and equitably. They are experiencing a much lesser degree of violence and crime than other member states that may be much more richly endowed economically but have been less successful in equitably distributing the benefits of the developmental processes. Therefore, it should prove beneficial for us to examine the practices in countries within and outside of our hemisphere that conduce to the reduction and mitigation of incidents of crime and violence and, where possible, adapt and emulate those practices in our own countries.
Mr. President, while there is no doubting the immediate need for the strengthening of our security forces and our judicial machinery to efficiently and effectively deal with the present problems of crime and violence and security, the old adage that prevention is better than cure still remains as prescient and true today as when it was first coined. Therefore, it will be imperative for us to continue introducing preventative measures that will conduce to the elimination of those conditions in our societies that perpetuate poverty and ignorance and facilitate the easy conversion of our most valuable resource, our youth, into our worst nightmares: marauding criminals and assassins for hire.
Belize has been working in close collaboration with all our international, regional, and local partners and allies in an effort to eradicate national and transnational criminal activities that imperil the safety and security of our populations and to enhance the status of life of our people.
Additionally, we have conducted studies with a view to identifying the root causes of the deviant behavior of our youthful population and the weaknesses and shortcomings in our security forces. We are initiating a number of social programs with a view to addressing the needs and enhancing the development of the most marginalized in our country. We are also seeking to strengthen the different organs of our public service to make them more competent and efficient in dispensing service to the public. We are placing increased emphasis on the holistic enlightenment and education of our entire populace and seeking to ensure that our educational offerings and standards meet the needs of our country.
In short, Mr. President, in the words of our Prime Minister, we are unapologetically and robustly pursuing a pro-poor policy because we in Belize are very cognizant of the fact that money spent in the enlightenment and development of all our people produces much more dividends in economic terms, as well as in terms of peace and security, than money spent mainly on large security forces and large prisons complexes.
In conclusion, I want to acknowledge that much of what we are doing in Belize today is being done with the collaboration, facilitation, and unstinting support of this august institution, the Organization of American States. I would therefore wish, on behalf of my Prime Minister and the Government and people of Belize, to thank the Secretary General and the entire OAS staff, and, in particular, the representatives having charge of the Belize programs, for the invaluable contribution they are making to ensure the safety and security of all Belizeans and all persons residing or visiting within the borders of Belize.
I thank you, Mr. President.
[Aplausos.]
El PRESIDENTE: Muchas gracias. No tenemos más oradores. Propongo que esta sesión plenaria tome nota de las valiosas exposiciones de los Jefes de Delegación y que estas queden registradas en el acta de la sesión.
Me permito informar, a petición de la Delegación de México, que el transporte colectivo que llevará a los que participan en el almuerzo, saldrá del parqueo ubicado en la rotonda, en la salida a mano izquierda, o sea, en el norte de esta sala.
Les recuerdo encarecidamente que la cuarta sesión plenaria dará inicio a las 2:30 p.m. Les suplicamos observar la mayor puntualidad posible porque tenemos una agenda de al menos catorce puntos para la tarde y, por lo tanto, deberíamos tratar de comenzar a la hora indicada.
Concluido el diálogo sobre el tema de esta Asamblea, declaro cerrada la tercera sesión.
[Se levanta la sesión a la 1:20 p.m.]

ANNEX

STATEMENT BY

HER EXCELLENCY DAME DEBORAH-MAE LOVELL,

AMBASSADOR PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE OF ANTIGUA AND BARBUDA, ON

“CITIZEN SECURITY IN THE AMERICAS”



Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, heads of delegation, distinguished ladies and gentlemen:
My delegation extends its warmest appreciation to Government and people of El Salvador for their exceptional hospitality and generosity. My delegation would also wish to express its congratulations to the Government of El Salvador for the selection of the theme “Citizen Security in the Americas.” We believe it is both timely and important, given the priority that the Government of Antigua and Barbuda is giving to this issue.
Mr. President, in the Declaration on Security in the Americas, adopted at the Special Conference on Security, in Mexico City in 2003, the states of the Hemisphere agreed that “our new concept of security in the hemisphere is multidimensional in scope, includes traditional and new threats, concerns and other challenges to the security of states of the hemisphere….”
Within Caribbean Community (CARICOM), one of the regional groupings to which Antigua and Barbuda belongs, security has been embraced as the fourth pillar of the Community. Heads of Government have established a regional framework for the management of crime and security, and there has been recognition of the need for the development of institutions, instruments, and initiatives to adequately address the issue of crime and security in the region.
Mr. President, crime––and more so organized crime––is a worldwide phenomenon, and its impact has been felt throughout this hemisphere. In Antigua and Barbuda as with our CARICOM sister countries, our vulnerabilities, coupled with the current impact of the global economic crisis have left us susceptible to criminal elements. Much of the crime and violence in our region is driven by the demand elsewhere for narcotic drugs, illicit sales and trafficking of small arms and light weapons, as well as the trafficking of persons. This demand has seen our shore become a transshipment point for the illegal drug and arms trade, and we have also begun to experience an increase in the sophistication of criminal activity due to the deportation of criminals from North America and beyond.
In Antigua and Barbuda, we have adopted zero tolerance on crime and criminal activity, and as such, we have implemented several strategies to maintain law and order within our shores. Some of these strategies have focused on strengthening collaboration between the police and members of the public, while others have sought to strengthen institutions and the skills of frontline security personnel. Permit me, Mr. President, to highlight a few:
1. We have expanded our Drug Abuse Resistance Education Programme (known as the D.A.R.E. Programme). This is a police-officer-led series of classroom lectures aimed at teaching children from kindergarten through high school how to resist peer pressure and live productive drug- and violence-free lives. The Programme goes beyond traditional drug abuse and violence prevention programmes and provides our youth the skills needed to recognize and resist the subtle and overt pressures that cause them to experiment with drugs or become involved in gangs or violent activities.

2. Steps have also been taken to encourage all communities that have not already done so to establish a neighbourhood watch programme. Members of the Royal Police Force of Antigua and Barbuda have been mandated to provide all necessary assistance to any community desirous of setting up a neighbourhood watch programme. Further, the police will provide the necessary coordination to make these programmes more effective.



Over the past year, steps have also been taken to strengthen the Office of National Drug and Money Laundering Control Policy (ONDCP) and to improve its operational effectiveness through cooperation with agencies such as the Royal Police Force of Antigua and Barbuda, the Antigua and Barbuda Defence Force, the Financial Services Regulatory Commission, the Customs and Excise Division, the Immigration Department, the Eastern Caribbean Central Bank, and other local, regional, and international organizations. This collaboration has already borne fruit, as evidenced in the seizure of property valued at over US$1.5 million and over $135 million worth of illegal narcotics that were intercepted by the agency––the largest drug shipment seized in our waters in our nation’s history.
The Immigration Department also plays a significant role in protecting our borders from illegal activities. The Government of Antigua and Barbuda continues in its efforts to upgrade all ports of entry with biometric equipment and software and will seek to develop immigration personnel by equipping them with the requisite knowledge to detect fraudulent documents, prevent and detect human trafficking, and improve customer relation skills in support of the tourism industry.
Mr. President, permit me to note, that despite our many successes in fighting crime and combating violence, the Government of Antigua and Barbuda holds firmly to the view that this is but one aspect of the security threats confronting our island state. We believe that addressing the political, economic, social, environmental, and cultural problems in our hemisphere must remain a key strategy at the highest political level of our governments if we are to truly provide security for the citizens of this hemisphere.
To this end, Antigua and Barbuda maintains that we should fight corruption at every level of society as one way of ensuring that the benefits of democracy and security reach all of the people. It is for this reason that the Government, within seven months of taking office, passed a trilogy of laws, namely the Freedom of Information Act, the Prevention of Corruption Act, and the Integrity in Public Life Act. This legislative package represents the most comprehensive and ambitious effort undertaken by any government in our subregion. The Government embarked on this path because it was determined to make good governance one of the hallmarks of its term in office and to bring about fundamental changes in the way government conducted its business on behalf of the people whom it was elected to serve.
Mr. President, natural disasters have also come to the fore within the last few years, especially within the security context of the 21st century. The Caribbean has seen the need, year after year, to improve its preparedness, mitigation, and recovery from natural disasters, as well as those that are manmade, to minimize loss of life and the damage to infrastructure. No event highlighted such a need as the January 12, 2010, earthquake in the CARICOM member state of Haiti. Antigua and Barbuda remains committed to work with the Department of Sustainable Development and other organs, agencies, and entities with a view to strengthening its response to natural disasters.
Antigua and Barbuda also calls for greater corporate social responsibility in our hemisphere. We would like to see more emphasis being placed on linking the OAS’s democracy agenda with its development agenda. Moreover, we wish to call for broad-based discussions, by all relevant actors within the inter-American system, on the negotiation of an Inter-American Social Charter that will promote social development within the Hemisphere.
Mr. President, in closing, there is no lack of ideas as to what should be done to improve the welfare of our peoples. There is no shortage of mandates from our political bodies. There is no lack of policy prescriptions for addressing the low and often deteriorating levels of human development. Antigua and Barbuda believes that it is time to take action on behalf of so many in our hemisphere who live in despair and for whom hope is quickly fading. Let us work together to improve their lives so that security can have meaning for them as well.
Thank you Mr. President.
ACTA DE LA CUARTA SESIÓN PLENARIA6/

Fecha: 7 de junio de 2011

Hora: 3:01 p.m.

Lugar: Centro Internacional de Ferias y Convenciones (CIFCO)
Presidente: Señor Hugo Martínez

Ministro de Relaciones Exteriores de El Salvador

Presentes: Carolyn Rodrigues-Birkett (Guyana)

Duly Brutus (Haití)

Jorge Ramón Hernández Alcerro (Honduras)

Kenneth Baugh (Jamaica)



Rubén Beltrán Guerrero (México)

Denis Ronaldo Moncada Colindres (Nicaragua)

Guillermo A. Cochez (Panamá)

Jorge Lara Castro (Paraguay)

Luzmila Zanabria Ishikawa (Perú)

Alejandra Liriano (República Dominicana)

Jacinth Henry-Martin (Saint Kitts y Nevis)

Michael Louis (Santa Lucía)

La Celia A. Prince (San Vicente y las Granadinas)



Subhas Ch. Mungra (Suriname)

Surujrattan Rambachan (Trinidad y Tobago)

Milton Romani Gerner (Uruguay)



Roy Chaderton Matos (Venezuela)

Deborah-Mae Lovell (Antigua y Barbuda)



Héctor Timerman (Argentina)

Cornelius A. Smith (Bahamas)

Maxine O. McClean (Barbados)

Nestor Mendez (Belize)

David Choquehuanca Céspedes (Bolivia)

Vera Lúcia Barrouin Crivano Machado (Brasil)

Allan Culham (Canadá)

Alfredo Moreno (Chile)

María Ángel Holguín Cuéllar (Colombia)

Enrique Castillo (Costa Rica)



Hubert John Charles (Dominica)

Déborah Salgado (Ecuador)

Carlos Castaneda (El Salvador)



Arturo Valenzuela (Estados Unidos)

I. J. Karl Hood (Grenada)

Haroldo Rodas Melgar (Guatemala)
José Miguel Insulza (Secretario General de la OEA)
1. La Cuestión de las Islas Malvinas
El PRESIDENTE: Declaro abierta la cuarta sesión plenaria del cuadragésimo primer período ordinario de sesiones de la Asamblea General, convocada para considerar los asuntos que aparecen en el orden del día, documento AG/OD-2/11.
El primer asunto a ser considerado en el orden del día es la Cuestión de las Islas Malvinas. Como es de su conocimiento, la Asamblea General examina anualmente este tema y el cumplimiento de la resolución AG/RES. 669 (XVIII-O/83), aprobada en 1983. Dicha resolución dispuso continuar el análisis de este tema en sucesivos períodos ordinarios de sesiones hasta que se alcance una solución definitiva.
Me es grato ofrecer la palabra a Su Excelencia el señor Héctor Timerman, Ministro de Relaciones, Comercio Internacional y Culto de la República Argentina, para que se refiera a este tema así como al proyecto de declaración, documento AG/doc.5125/11.
El JEFE DE LA DELEGACIÓN DE LA ARGENTINA: Muchas gracias, señor Presidente.
Señor Presidente, señores Jefes de Delegación, señor Secretario General, la OEA tiene una agenda amplia y profunda que refleja los compromisos generados entre nosotros durante largas décadas al mismo tiempo que los desafíos del presente. Hemos considerado las respuestas necesarias para brindar seguridad ciudadana, los temas de seguridad y derechos humanos y hemos abordado los desafíos del cambio climático. Al mirar alrededor de esta mesa y ver la diversidad que reflejamos, no puedo dejar de reflexionar en que esta historia presente la estamos construyendo en común todos los países que, sin excepción, reconocemos un mismo origen, el que se inscribe en la decisión de poner fin a una relación colonial.
No puede sorprender entonces que desde este hemisferio se haya impulsado con el mayor vigor la lucha por la descolonización. Es penoso que a medio siglo de iniciado el proceso de descolonización en las Naciones Unidas subsista en nuestro continente una situación colonial. Es por ello que tomo la palabra en busca de su apoyo en la cuestión de las Islas Malvinas, con la convicción de que la voz de ustedes, señores Representantes, habrá de ser escuchada, porque al abrazar esta causa expresan la voz de los forjadores de nuestra historia.
Deseo reafirmar, en nombre del pueblo y Gobierno de la Argentina, los derechos soberanos, irrenunciables e imprescriptibles de la República Argentina sobre las Islas Malvinas, Georgias del Sur y Sandwich del Sur y los espacios marítimos circundantes.
La ocupación ilegal desde 1833 de esta parte del territorio argentino por Gran Bretaña ha sido protestada desde entonces y hasta el presente sin interrupción. La situación ha sido reconocida por las Naciones Unidas como un caso especial y particular de descolonización, que involucra una disputa de soberanía conocida como la Cuestión de las Islas Malvinas.
Como es bien sabido por todos los presentes, la Organización de los Estados Americanos ha calificado esta cuestión como un tema de interés hemisférico permanente y, en consonancia con las resoluciones de las Naciones Unidas, ha reafirmado la necesidad de que los Gobiernos de la República Argentina y del Reino Unido reanuden cuanto antes las negociaciones para encontrar una solución pacífica y definitiva a esta disputa de soberanía sobre las Islas Malvinas, Georgias del Sur y Sandwich del Sur y los espacios marítimos circundantes.
En momento alguno la Argentina ha dejado de manifestar su voluntad de negociar para encontrar una solución pacífica a la disputa. Lamentablemente persiste la negativa británica a restablecer el diálogo bilateral, contrariando no solo las reiteradas resoluciones de las Naciones Unidas y de esta Organización de los Estados Americanos sino también numerosos pronunciamientos de la comunidad internacional.
La lista de foros en los que se hace el llamado a la negociación bilateral sobre la disputa de soberanía se alarga y extiende a distintas regiones cada año. Baste mencionar la Cumbre Iberoamericana, las últimas Cumbres de países suramericanos y África y de países suramericanos y países Árabes, además de la muy apreciada declaración de la Asamblea General de la OEA en Lima, en junio pasado, y la resolución del Comité Especial de Descolonización de las Naciones Unidas, también en junio del 2010.
Este clamor casi universal no ha impedido que el Reino Unido insista en rehusarse sistemática e injustificadamente a reanudar las negociaciones de soberanía con la Argentina, siendo él el único responsable de la creación y perpetuación de esta anacrónica situación colonial. Esta situación se hace más reprensible por no ser esta la conducta que corresponde y se espera de un miembro responsable de la comunidad internacional que es, además, miembro permanente del Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas.
Señor Presidente, como señalara, la situación de las Islas Malvinas tiene características propias especiales y particulares que la diferencian de otros casos de descolonización. El acto de usurpación perpetrado por el Reino Unido en 1833, al que antes me referí, se hace más agraviante por la prohibición de instalación a nacionales argentinos provenientes del territorio continental y la implantación de colonos británicos. De este hecho deriva primordialmente la especificidad de la cuestión de las Islas Malvinas.
Al mismo tiempo, la ilegitima ocupación de las islas por parte del Reino Unido vulneró la integridad territorial de la Argentina. Es por tal motivo que semejante acto de ilegalidad manifiesta torna imposible la aplicación del principio de autodeterminación a la Cuestión de las Islas Malvinas. Hacerlo comportaría la convalidación de un acto de usurpación que ha quebrantado la integridad territorial de mi país e iría en desmedro del principio de la integridad territorial que la Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas consagra como derecho inalienable en su resolución 1514, piedra basal del proceso de descolonización.
La Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas, en su resolución 2065 de 1965 sobre la cuestión de las Islas Malvinas así como en las sucesivas resoluciones posteriores que la ratifican, deja clara la existencia de una disputa de soberanía y reafirma el llamado a las dos partes a reanudar, sin demora, las negociaciones a fin de encontrar una solución pacífica al problema, teniendo debidamente en cuenta las disposiciones y los objetivos de la Carta de las Naciones Unidas y de la resolución 1514 así como los intereses de la población de las Islas Malvinas.
El Gobierno argentino siempre ha mantenido una actitud constructiva a favor de los habitantes de las Islas. Así lo expresa la declaración a la consideración de esta Organización, al mismo tiempo que reafirma la voluntad de mi país de continuar explorando todas las vías posibles para la solución pacífica en la controversia. Una posición similar surge de las múltiples declaraciones de reuniones cumbres regionales y biregionales, sin olvidar la muy apreciada declaración de la Asamblea General de la OEA en Lima en junio del año pasado.
Señor Presidente, tal como lo hiciera el año pasado en este ámbito mi predecesor, el ex Canciller Jorge Taiana, deseo hacer una referencia a la preocupante situación que actualmente persiste en el Atlántico Sur en relación con las actividades que ilegalmente lleva a cabo el Reino Unido de manera unilateral en materia de exploración de recursos naturales no renovables.
La instalación de plataformas petrolíferas por parte del Reino Unido en áreas de la plataforma continental argentina constituye un nuevo acto unilateral, contrario a la letra y al espíritu de las resoluciones pertinentes de las Naciones Unidas sobre la situación de las Islas Malvinas, especialmente de la resolución 31/49 que insta a las dos partes en la disputa de soberanía, la Argentina y el Reino Unido, a que se abstengan de adoptar decisiones que entrañen la introducción de modificaciones unilaterales.
Esta actitud británica se inscribe en el espíritu colonialista en el cual se desarrollan sus actividades en el Atlántico Sur, en este caso buscando satisfacer sus necesidades de recursos básicos mediante la explotación de los territorios que ilegítimamente ocupa. Al arrebato que supone la exploración ilegal de los recursos no renovables en la plataforma continental argentina, se agrega el agravio de una presencia militar creciente de las fuerzas armadas británicas que han convertido a las Islas Malvinas en una fortaleza, cuyo propósito no resulta claro.
Sin duda no es por temor a una supuesta movilización militar argentina que sin cesar deja claro, incluso en su Constitución Nacional, que la recuperación de los territorios usurpados se debe llevar a cabo mediante los medios pacíficos previstos en la Carta de las Naciones Unidas. La realización de ejercicios militares que incluyeron el disparo de misiles desde las Islas Malvinas que, de acuerdo con lo reconocido por Londres, se llevan a cabo desde hace varios años, llevó a mi país a plantear ante la Organización Marítima Internacional, con el apoyo de numerosos países aquí representados, la violación de las elementales reglas sobre la seguridad de la navegación y de la vida en el mar. Como es de conocimiento general, dicha obligación alcanza a todos los Estados sin perjuicio de la legitimidad de la ocupación de un territorio determinado.
A lo antes expuesto, no es ajeno el tono agresivo y belicista que ha podido percibirse en el Gobierno británico, situación que no deja de inquietar al convertirse en una velada amenaza para el Continente en su conjunto.
No hay duda de que las declaraciones sobre la defensa por las armas de las islas y los trascendidos del envió de un submarino nuclear a esta área libre de armamentos de tal tipo constituyen una afrenta más a los países americanos. Esta preocupación por las actividades británicas unilaterales e ilegales es compartida por los hermanos del Continente y se refleja en las declaraciones de las organizaciones regionales, entre ellas la Cumbre de América Latina y el Caribe, en febrero del 2010; la Declaración de la Cumbre de la Unión de Naciones Suramericanas, UNASUR, de noviembre del año pasado; y las múltiples expresiones del MERCOSUR y del Grupo de Río. Algunas de ellas hemos tenido ocasión de escucharlas hace un momento, presentadas por países hermanos.
Señor Presidente, con la convicción de la postura clara y unánime del Continente ante situaciones coloniales anacrónicas, me permito invitar a los Estados que integran esta distinguida Organización a seguir exhortando al Reino Unido a dar cumplimiento, de una vez por todas, a las resoluciones y declaraciones de esta Asamblea General, permitiendo de esta manera la búsqueda de solución a una disputa de soberanía mediante negociaciones serias basadas en la buena fe.
Al respecto, deseo recordar la nota que las Jefas y Jefes de Estado y de Gobierno de la Unión de Naciones Suramericanas le dirigieran al Secretario General de las Naciones Unidas el pasado mes de abril, y que también fuera leída hace unos momentos por el país hermano de Guyana, en su calidad de Presidente de la UNASUR. Entre tanto, a la luz de los recurrentes actos unilaterales ilegítimos británicos, esperamos contar con el apoyo de todos los países del Continente mediante la adopción de medidas concretas que contribuyan a evitar la consolidación y prosecución de dichas actividades unilaterales y coloniales.
La República Argentina seguirá insistiendo de manera incansable en el fiel cumplimiento del mandato de la comunidad internacional, contando, en primer lugar, con el apoyo de los países del Continente. Mi país –creo que vale la pena repetirlo– busca la paz y la justicia y con ese claro objetivo no dejará de señalar en toda ocasión que encuentre oportuna, la actitud británica de falta de voluntad y de respeto a la comunidad internacional, al obstaculizar la búsqueda de una solución de la disputa de soberanía sobre las Islas Malvinas, Georgias del Sur y Sandwich del Sur y los espacios marítimos circundantes. Al mismo tiempo, la Argentina reitera su permanente disposición a reanudar las negociaciones bilaterales con el objeto de lograr una solución justa, pacífica y definitiva.



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