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Los Castro: un Estado dentro de otro Estado



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Los Castro: un Estado dentro de otro Estado


Correo de Cuba, Martes, 11 Febrero 2014 00:00

Escrito por  Iván García Quintero





Iván García Quintero | Cuando en 2005 la revista estadounidense Forbes puso a Fidel Castro en una lista de las personas con poder político más ricas del mundo, con un valor aproximado de 550 millones dólares, el ex guerrillero sí que se enfadó.

Habilitó un programa especial en la televisión nacional donde por espacio de 4 horas aseguró no tener un dólar en ninguna cuenta bancaria y lanzó un reto: pagaba un millón de dólares al que pudiera demostrarle que tenía riquezas acumuladas. Vaya contradicción.

Castro estaba visiblemente enojado. Lo consideraba, y considera, un problema de honor personal. Su réplica cayó en saco roto. Al año siguiente, en 2006, Forbes subió la parada y estimó su patrimonio en 900 millones de dólares.

No sé si Forbes en su famoso listado, alguna vez incluirá al General Raúl Castro. El tema tiene diversas aristas y disquisiciones. Les hago una pregunta, que pudiera parecer manida ¿son realmente los Castro multimillonarios?

Bueno, legalmente no. Probablemente ni la CIA o el Mossad israelí puedan demostrar las supuestas fortunas de los hermanos de Birán. Forbes pierde de vista un elemento clave: la riqueza de los autócratas es imposible de calcular.

El patrimonio de los Castro no solo se puede medir por la cantidad de millones en dólares y euros. También se debe medir por el poder absoluto en todas las acciones económicas de la nación y el control directo sobre éstas.

Claro que para adquirir un lote de vehículos Hummer, deben pagar en efectivo. Se sabe, por desertores que trabajaron en su entorno, que tienen cuentas para cubrir un contratiempo, caprichos personales o urgencias de última hora.

Consideremos dos opciones. La primera, tal vez algunos parientes con vista larga y tengan cuentas bancarias en cualquier paraíso fiscal. Ese dinero podría ser una especie de seguro. Cuando Cuba entre por el aro de la democracia y se privaticen las ruinosas empresas estatales, parten con ventaja a la hora de rifárselas.

En caso de que inoportunos disidentes los desenmascaren como parte activa del antiguo régimen, en Marbella, la Rivera francesa, Grecia o Portugal, se pueden comprar una propiedad discreta alejada del stress público.

La segunda. Que la transición en Cuba hacia un capitalismo estatal siga siendo controlada por los mismos de siempre. En ese caso, volvemos a la primera opción.

Aquéllos que manejen los hilos del poder, si son precavidos, diseñarán entramados financieros para ocultar cifras millonarias, en caso de caer en desgracia o en la isla se produzca una situación política fuera de control y tuvieran que irse.

Ocultar dinero o blanquear capitales no es difícil. Lo hacen políticos corruptos que viven en democracia, cercados de regulaciones, prensa libre y tribunales independientes.

Entonces, qué no puede encubrir un gobernante de un Estado autocrático, dueño de los medios, de las finanzas y las auditorías. La sentencia de Luis XVI, “el Estado soy yo” tiene plena vigencia para los hermanos Castro.

De su voluntad emana el poder. Los cambios económicos. Las decisiones políticas. Quien debe ir a la cárcel por oponerse a sus normas y a quien se le debe permitir escribir y disentir.

Haciendo un repaso de las dos opciones llegamos a una conclusión: no necesariamente los Castro necesitan acumular cientos de millones para ser magnates poderosos.

Puede que algún pariente o compañero de viaje hurten o esconda un par de millones por ambición o pensando en el futuro.

Pero ni Raúl ni Fidel Castro lo necesitan. Lo tienen todo. El país entero, con sus tierras y recursos marítimos, los medios de comunicación y, además, amaestrada la voluntad de un segmento importante de la población.

El parlamento no puede bloquear una legislación del ejecutivo o desaprobar el presupuesto diseñado por ellos y sus compadres. Y eso es algo que no se puede cuantificar en números.



Los hermanos Castro están por encima de las listas de Forbes. Tienen el auténtico poder real. Han creado un Estado dentro de otro Estado.

Iván García Quintero
Peridista independiente
Reside en La Habana
Blog del autor Desde La Habana y
Iván García y sus amigos

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Cuba’s elite housing – reward for the dutiful’


DEMOCRACY dIGEST, February 12, 2014
Cuba’s purported egalitarianism is giving way to a new form of residential segregation, evident in the island’s first gated community since the 1950s, according to a report in the New York Times:
The housing is just one example of the military’s expansive role in Mr. Castro’s plan for Cuba, and it illustrates a central conflict in his attempts to open up the economy without dismantling the power structure he and his comrades have been building for more than five decades.

In the short term, analysts and former officers say, he is relying on the military to push through changes and maintain stability as he experiments with economic liberalization. Yet his abiding dedication as a lifelong soldier who was defense minister for 49 years threatens to further entrench an institution that has often undermined changes challenging its favored status.

The elite live in places like this…..



“Raúl knows the military answer is not the answer, but he also knows that at this time he absolutely needs military loyalty,” said Hal Klepak, a Canadian scholar who closely tracks the Cuban military. “They are the only ones who will follow him if the reform succeeds, or if it fails.”

….not like this


“Project Granma — named after the boat Fidel Castro took from Mexico to Cuba to start the revolution — is one of several new military housing developments (above) around the country. Its equivalent in Santiago de Cuba, where the Castro revolution began, has come under fire from Cubans struggling in rickety homes damaged by Hurricane Sandy,” Damien Cave writes for the Times.

The country’s leaders, while longing for economic improvement, mainly want to preserve the Cuba they know. said Jorge Dámaso, 75, a retired colonel who spent 32 years in the military and writes a blog often critical of the regime.

“If you have a business run by military officers, when there’s a transition, you’re not going to get rid of all these people,” he said. “This is a way to maintain a space for established powers in a future Cuban society.”

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New York Times unmasks selfish motives behind Castro’s ‘reforms’


Roger Noriega | February 12th, 2014

Image Credit: shutterstock

To the uninitiated, occasional news of “Cuban reforms” is received with some sense of hope that the Castro regime might be loosening its stranglehold on the economy to create new opportunity for the island’s 11 million people.

Such false expectations are raised by professional Castropologists, who peddle the narrative that Raul Castro is a frustrated reformer who would spread his wings once he assumed power from his brother Fidel. That dynastic transition happened six years ago, and the Castro stranglehold on the economy is barely loosened. Yet every hint of “reform” is still trumpeted as a new birth of freedom. Of course, that is rubbish.

The latest evidence of the Castro regime’s single-minded agenda can be found in the New York Times, in an article entitled, “Cuba’s Reward for the Dutiful:  Gated Housing.” Although one might expect from the NYTimes an homage to Raul the Reformer, this piece reveals that the regime’s motivation for doling out privileges or slivers of economic space is to preserve the regime and its hold on power.

Reporter Damien Cave says, “Cuba is in transition,” but the bulk of his article describes a regime struggling to “elevate the faithful and maintain their loyalty….” The measures he describes have nothing to do with economic liberty, but are implemented with great care not to dismantle the existing power structure. Indeed, the NYTimes piece focuses on the impact of the economic transition upon the security forces that Raul Castro has led for more than 60 years.

In the 1990’s, when the regime allowed foreigners to partner with the government to build tourist hotels or light manufacturing it was to generate hard currency after the loss of a $5-7 billion annual Soviet subsidy. When Cubans were permitted to establish very small businesses or rent out bedrooms to tourists, it was to provide jobs and meager income to people – particularly military retirees –displaced from the state payroll by a fiscal crisis.

Behind every “reform,” a key motivation was to preserve the privileges and loyalty of the military or to provide income to military retirees. Indeed, the handful of foreign companies that invested in the tourism industry often had military-run businesses as their partners. More evidence of the real motive behind these economic “openings” is that, as Cuban self-employment grew too much, too fast; as the fiscal pressure was eased, due to the new subsidy from the Venezuelan regime; or as regime businesses outgrew the need for a foreign partner, the regime cracked down. Many microenterprises have been suffocated by regulation and taxes, and many foreign partners have been shaken down and run out of the country.

So any argument that the United States should reorient its Cuba policy to encourage the trend to reform is disingenuous, as such advice usually is. The latest attempt comes in the form of a poll that says most Americans support a change in US policy toward Cuba. For decades, critics of US foreign policy toward Cuba have sneered that it was a function of “Florida politics” – alluding to the political might of the Cuban-American community in south Florida. So, it is more than a little ironic, that the latest argument for embargo critics is that the policy should be changedbecause of a poll.

The cruel lesson of history, which good people on all sides of this debate should learn, is that nothing good is going to happen for the people of Cuba as long as a despot like Fidel or Raul Castro holds power. Those selfish men and the totalitarian regime they built are today the onlyreal obstacles to genuine economic and political change in Cuba. Worse yet, they have demonstrated their capacity to manipulate any economic opening to serve the interests of the regime and, particularly, the state security apparatus.

Any unilateral concession by the United States that buys such a regime one more day in power is not only strategically questionable, it is unconscionable.

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